Fortunately, I grew up in that period when my father, Dr. Andrew J. Brown, had established a connection in 1956 with Dr. Martin L. King Jr. and the freedom movement. At that time I was 14 years old. The Montgomery Movement and Bus Boycott was live and was grabbing the attention of many in the USA. When my father invited King to Indianapolis, I was able to witness Kingsā presence at our house. I recall at that time he was a young man and my father was 33 years of age. Of course I was allowed to observe Kingās presence and my dadās interactions. As it was in those days, you could be seen but not heard around adults. Little do many know, King made additional visits to our home along with other freedom fighters. That history is another story that could be told.
During that time the āmovementā was referred to as the freedom movement, not the Civil Rights Movement. Even when I joined the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), we referenced ourselves as freedom fighters. Even when SNCC and Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) began the bus demonstration, we referred to it as the freedom riders. My beginning with SNCC started in the late winter of 1962. I was assigned to Selma, Alabama, in 1963. As a SNCC field secretary, I had the responsibility of being an organizer in as related to nonviolent strategies and tactics for change in Dallas County where Selma was the county seat. It must be remembered: SNCCās purpose was to bring āliberating changeā to the Black community. We would emphasize a āfreedom agendaā not a ācivil rights agenda.ā In the early ā60s we referenced the activities as freedom initiatives. We sang freedom songs, and when it came time, we organized freedom demonstrations not āprotest demonstrations.ā That included lunch counter sit-ins and picketing encounters, which in all intentions, ended with violent reprisals by Sheriff Jim Clark and other law enforcers. Ultimately, many young people would end up in jail where once again they sang their freedom songs.
As a field secretary of SNCC we did intensive nonviolent instruction for young people. Of course at that time nonviolence was the āmantra of the spirit of freedomā proclamation. Nonviolence action was our civil disobedience to the unjust āRule of Lawā in the South. Interestingly enough, when we demonstrated, we were arrested for āinciting a riot.ā Instruction on how to demonstrate was also part of the training. These organizing initiatives were very much ridiculed by many adults for the primary reason that these young studentsā lives were on the line for destruction and/or jail time. However, these young people had an enthusiasm for freedom. The term ājusticeā at that time did not have relevance. Why this was so, is another story to be told. I would just add, ājusticeā in the South for Blacks meant āstay in your place and be according to the āRule of Law.āā
Today, the mantra is āNo justice, no peaceā and āBlack Lives Matter.ā In addition, the media on all fronts use the term āprotests.ā Does it have meaning? I would agree it has meaning, however there is that important application of āeducating our participantsā on the various strategies of ādirect action.ā
The āRule of Lawā in our society and/or culture has its own ethics of violence. This is a fact of historical truths of the very founding of this nation. Conceptually, we use violence to bring peace, which is an illusion and an outright lie. Our nationās justice is not peace it is oppression upon the poor and people of color. Peace, under the āRule of Lawā is oppression in the USA. Just maybe it is we need to reevaluate our āRules of Lawā with a need to change our laws that manifest equality, not competition but cooperation. Before we get equality we must be free and cooperate in designing the āRules of Law.ā Here is my āmantraā for the protest: No new Rules of Law, no justice. No nonviolence, no peace. All Human Lives Matter.