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Default fears accompanying Hill stalemate on debt

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WASHINGTON (AP) — Legislation aimed at keeping the government’s

bill-paying intact is stuck in neutral, putting Congress, the

financial markets and the public on edge less than a week before

the deadline for heading off a potentially calamitous

default.

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House Speaker John Boehner was forced late Tuesday to postpone a

floor vote on his plan, which originally had been scheduled for

Wednesday, after nonpartisan congressional scorekeepers said the

proposal would cut spending less than advertised. He promised to

rewrite the measure, but the move means the House can’t vote on it

until Thursday at the earliest.

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Yet despite the stalled measure – and angry partisan rhetoric – the

differences between the sides are narrowing, not widening.

Boehner’s plan represents significant movement from a bill the

House passed last week, roughly half of its mandated spending cuts,

for example. And Senate Democratic leader Harry Reid no longer is

insisting on having tax increases as part of any plan to cut

deficits.

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Boehner, R-Ohio, needs to do more than pump up the legislation. He

needs to shore up his standing with tea party-backed conservatives

demanding deeper spending cuts to accompany an almost $1 trillion

increase in the government’s borrowing cap. Many conservatives

already had promised to oppose it.

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“We need more drastic cuts,” said Rep. Jason Chaffetz, R-Utah. “I

can’t support it in its current form.”

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“I’m searching for a path toward yes but having a difficult time

finding it,” said Rep Bill Huizenga, R-Mich.

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Unless he can wrestle the situation under control, Boehner risks

losing leverage in his dealing with President Barack Obama and

Democrats controlling the Senate.

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Boehner’s plan was not winning converts among some stalwart

conservatives. It prompted Reid to declare that the bill was

destined to fail in the Senate and it drew a White House veto

threat. But it was framing the debate over how to reduce long-term

deficits while raising the debt ceiling.

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Tuesday’s Congressional Budget Office analysis said the GOP measure

would cut the deficit by about $850 billion over 10 years, not the

$1.2 trillion originally promised. Even more embarrassing was a CBO

finding that the measure, which would provide a $900 billion

increase in the nation’s borrowing cap, would generate just a $1

billion deficit cut over the coming year.

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Boehner’s plan would couple budget savings gleaned from 10 years of

curbs on agency budgets with a two-track plan for increasing the

government’s borrowing cap by up to $2.7 trillion. The first

increase of $900 billion would take effect immediately; the second

increase could be awarded only after the recommendations of a

special bipartisan congressional panel are enacted into

law.

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The White House says Boehner’s measure would reopen the delicate

and crucial debt discussions to unending political pressure during

next year’s campaigns and risk more uncertainty in the

markets.

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The White House promised to veto Boehner’s measure if it were to

reach Obama’s desk.

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It’s unlikely to come to that. Reid, D-Nev., promised the measure

would never make it through the Democratic-controlled

Senate.

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Reid held back on forcing a vote on his competing measure, which he

unveiled Monday to poor reviews from Republicans like Senate

Minority Leader Mitch McConnell of Kentucky. Reid appears to hope

that his measure, which promises $2.7 trillion in spending cuts and

would increase the debt limit enough to keep the government afloat

past the 2012 elections, could emerge as the last viable option

standing and could be modified with input from

Republicans.

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Those same Republicans blasted Reid’s bill for $1 trillion in

war-related savings they say are phony. But McConnell is emerging

as a key figure in the endgame, and he sounded a conciliatory note

in an appearance Tuesday.

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“We need to get an outcome. And to get an outcome, a Republican

House, a Democratic Senate and a Democratic president would have to

reach an agreement,” McConnell said. “So I’m prepared to accept

something less than perfect, because perfect is not

achievable.”

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One area of potential compromise could be how to treat the findings

of a bipartisan congressional commission to identify further

deficit reductions, especially in major health care programs such

as Medicare and Medicaid. Both Reid and Boehner support the idea,

though Boehner wants to make a future increase in the debt limit

contingent on the proposed additional cuts being enacted into

law.

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Meanwhile, the clock was ticking down to next Tuesday’s deadline to

continue the government’s borrowing powers and avert possible

defaults on U.S. loans and obligations, like $23 billion worth of

Social Security payments due Aug. 3. The Capitol’s telephones were

jammed after Obama urged the public to contact their

representatives in his Monday night address.

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Conservative bloggers and groups like the Club for Growth, which

funds primary campaigns against Republicans it deems too squishy in

their conservatism, denounced Boehner’s bill as too weak. The U.S.

Chamber of Commerce, closer to the GOP mainstream, urged

support.

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While Boehner searched for votes, some Americans seemed to edge

closer to the notion that the Aug. 2 deadline might pass without a

solution. The stock market fell again, although not dramatically.

California planned to borrow about $5 billion from private

investors as a hedge against a possible federal government

default.

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The White House spoke with veterans groups about what might happen

to their benefits if a deal isn’t reached. Obama has said he can’t

guarantee Social Security checks and payments to veterans and the

disabled would go out on schedule.

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Freshman Rep. Trey Gowdy, R-S.C., bristled at the idea that tea

party-influenced newcomers are sheep-like ideologues willing to

risk default.

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“We’re not a bunch of knuckle-dragging, mouth-breathing

Neanderthals,” Gowdy said. “We’re interested in answering what we

perceive to be the mandate, which is to stop the spending and

change the way Washington handles money.”

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Gowdy said he was leaning against Boehner’s proposal.

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